At no time in American history have there been more voices overtly
identifying as “conservative” in politics and the media. From newspapers
and journals to websites, blogs, a cable news network, and talk radio,
voices claiming the mantle of conservatism are everywhere.
Virtually no Republican politician would claim to be anything else,
and right-leaning think tanks abound. We are, by almost all outward
measures, at the high point of conservative political success.
And yet, what it means to be a “conservative” may be less clear than
at any time since the Great Depression. Is it “conservative” to cut
taxes, or is the “conservative” policy to reduce the debt we are
saddling future generations with? Is the “conservative” policy to
promote free and open trade, or is it to raise tariffs to protect
domestic industries? Is it conservative to “conserve” the environment,
or is it always “conservative” to limit the scope of government
regulations? Is it the “conservative’s” primary responsibility to
achieve policy victories through any means necessary, or to preserve the
institutional arrangements of the constitutional order, even if it
means losing some policy battles along the way?
Add to that the fact that despite having so many political outlets,
most conservatives feel their country is pulling apart and their culture
is disintegrating. How can all these facts be true—that conservatism is
at its height, but there is less agreement on what conservatism is, and
conservatives have the feeling they are losing the great battles for
the future?
In
this confusing time, conservatives would do well to revisit the
foundations of their modern movement in the great intellectual battles
of the mid-20th century. Long before Donald Trump and Rush Limbaugh, and
before Ronald Reagan and Barry Goldwater bestrode our politics, several
great public thinkers were preparing the culture with the books and
journals from which would spring a revolution.
This year marks the 100th anniversary of the birth of one of the most
important of those writers and offers a chance to consider his lessons
for America today.
See my full column on why we need to read Russell Kirk today here.
An intermittent blog about ideas, visions, values, virtues, and the moral imagination.
Showing posts with label russell Kirk. Show all posts
Showing posts with label russell Kirk. Show all posts
Friday, May 31, 2019
Thursday, July 4, 2013
Russell Kirk's Founders and the Unwritten Constitution
RUSSELL KIRK'S FOUNDERS AND THE UNWRITTEN CONSTITUTION
BY
GARY L. GREGG
2013 is the 60th anniversary of the publication of one of the most consequential books of the 20th century. I am privileged to have been asked to contribute to a number of forums this year discussing Kirk and his work and am particularly thankful to Liberty Fund and Richard Reinsch for inviting me to contribute to this one. As I considered what I would write and thumbed through The Conservative Mind, I hit upon some things I had never spent time thinking about and my essay represents one strand of that new thought on Kirk's ideas.
I hope you enjoy this section of my essay and will read the full version at the website listed at the bottom.
A consideration of Kirk’s founders, both missing and rediscovered, lead us to an understanding of Kirk’s conservatism that would surprise many who consider themselves contemporary heirs of the movement he helped found. Kirk is concerned with institutions, including those of the U.S. Constitution, to the degree that they are aligned with two more critical under girding phenomena: human nature and political culture.
Throughout The Conservative Mind, authors and statesmen are upheld to the degree that their understanding of human nature is in accordance with the inherited vision of Judeo-Christian revelation and human experience. Human beings are flawed, incapable of perfection, and suffer profoundly from original sin. To the degree that political institutions are structured to account for this overriding fact and meliorate its most negative consequences, they are found to be worthy of praise. Here the United States’ Constitution is good as it rests on just this basic understanding and accounts for the corruption of power by separated and checked institutions.
Though John Adams fought hard against the philosophes and their abstract accounts of human nature untethered to imperfectability, he admitted some degree of change possible within the human species. Such change is manifest in the political culture. As the virtues, values and ideas of a people change so will their political prospects, making any constitution only as useful or as pernicious as the culture that underpins it. Of course, with Adams and all of Kirk’s conservative minds, any change is bounded by the fact that we are created somewhere between the beasts and the angels and are destined to always stay in that zone of humanity.
To understand and learn from Russell Kirk’s magnum opus, then, we must understand an overriding fact of human existence: sin and culture trump politics and planning. This is why Kirk, unlike so many contemporary conservatives, point us in the direction of the poets and not the politicians; the unwritten more than to the written constitution. It is in this way that we might more properly consider our “founders,” not the framers of the Constitution in 1787 but those who shaped the minds and imaginations of the culture that produced it. The Constitution of 1787 will survive as something more than parchment only to the degree that it is supported by the prevailing political culture of America.
FOR THE FULL ESSAY VISIT: http://www.libertylawsite.org/liberty-forum/russell-kirks-founders-and-the-unwritten-constitution/
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)